Tuesday, September 29, 2026

BLUEPRINT AND GUIDE OF THE UNITED CHRISTIAN PATRIOTIC FRONT OF NATIONAL SALVATION OF THE UNITED STATES

A Blueprint for a Democratic, Christian, Sovereign, Socially Just and Humanist America

A Founding Proposal for a Broad Popular Front Beyond the Democratic–Republican Duopoly

I. THE NATIONAL CRISIS

The United States possesses enormous productive capacity, technological power, natural resources, scientific knowledge and human talent. Yet millions of Americans experience poverty, economic insecurity, unaffordable housing, inadequate access to healthcare, precarious employment and declining confidence in political institutions.

The problem cannot be reduced to one president, one political party or one election.

The United States faces a broader crisis involving economic inequality, concentrated political influence, the power of large corporations and financial interests, military intervention abroad, institutional distrust, political polarization and the growing distance between ordinary citizens and the centers of economic and political power.

The Patriotic Front of National Salvation proposes that Americans from different ideological traditions should be able to organize around a common principle:

The United States belongs to its people—not to a permanent political class, corporate oligarchy, wealthy donors or any foreign government or interest group.

This principle does not require Americans to abandon their political differences. It requires them to recognize that democratic self-government cannot function properly when ordinary citizens lack meaningful economic and political power.

II. WHAT "PATRIOTIC" MEANS

Patriotism should not mean unconditional loyalty to a government.

It should mean loyalty to the people, the land, the constitutional liberties and the democratic ideals of the United States.

The Declaration of Independence famously grounded legitimate government in the consent of the governed and asserted that people possess fundamental rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

The Front therefore defines American patriotism as:

defending the constitutional rights of every citizen;
protecting democratic self-government;
opposing political corruption;
defending workers and ordinary families;
protecting freedom of speech, religion and conscience;
opposing discrimination and political persecution;
protecting America's productive resources from predatory exploitation;
pursuing peaceful relations with other nations;
opposing unnecessary wars and military interventions;
ensuring that government serves the public rather than narrow private interests.

Patriotism means the people before the oligarchy and democracy before concentrated power.

III. A FRONT ABOVE THE TWO-PARTY DIVIDE

The Patriotic Front would not define itself simply as another Democratic or Republican organization.

Its purpose would be to create a broad political space in which Americans with different ideological backgrounds can cooperate on concrete national questions.

This could include:

socialists;
democratic socialists;
Christian socialists;
progressives;
labor activists;
independents;
libertarians;
constitutional conservatives;
antiwar conservatives;
populists;
community organizers;
civil-rights activists;
environmentalists;
veterans;
small-business owners;
farmers;
working-class Americans;
intellectuals and academics;
religious communities;
and Americans who simply consider themselves politically independent.

Membership would not require agreement on every philosophical question.

The minimum requirement would be commitment to democratic participation, peaceful political organization, constitutional liberties and the principle that political power ultimately belongs to the citizenry.

IV. THE AMERICAN REVOLUTIONARY TRADITION

The Front would draw upon multiple traditions rather than claiming exclusive ownership of the American political heritage.

George Washington

The Front could draw from Washington's emphasis on national independence and republican government while recognizing the historical contradictions of the early republic.

Thomas Jefferson

The Front could invoke Jefferson's language concerning equality, popular sovereignty and resistance to concentrated political power while recognizing the contradictions between those ideals and slavery.

Benjamin Franklin

Franklin represents an American tradition of civic participation, practical knowledge, scientific inquiry and public institutions.

Abraham Lincoln

Lincoln's defense of the Union and opposition to slavery represents another major American tradition: the proposition that the republic cannot permanently coexist with systems denying fundamental human equality.

Martin Luther King Jr.

King expanded the struggle for American democracy into a struggle against poverty and economic injustice. His Poor People's Campaign sought to unite poor Americans across racial and social divisions around economic security and dignity.

Malcolm X

Malcolm X represents traditions of Black self-determination, human dignity, international solidarity and criticism of racial and economic oppression.

Angela Davis

Davis represents traditions of radical social criticism, prison reform, racial justice, feminism and socialist thought.

These traditions should not be artificially treated as identical. They differed profoundly. The Front would instead study them as parts of the larger American argument over liberty, equality, power and human dignity.

V. ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY

The central economic principle of the Front would be:

The enormous wealth produced by American society should serve the whole population rather than becoming concentrated indefinitely in the hands of a small economic elite.

This does not necessarily require one predetermined economic system.

Different members could debate:

democratic socialism;
worker cooperatives;
public ownership;
mixed economies;
stronger antitrust enforcement;
progressive taxation;
employee ownership;
public banking;
universal social programs;
small-business development;
market socialism;
and other democratic economic arrangements.

The Front's common objective would be reducing extreme concentrations of economic power and increasing the economic power of ordinary citizens.

VI. A WORKERS' AND CITIZENS' PROGRAM

The Front would support serious consideration of:

Living wages and stronger labor protections.
The right of workers to organize.
Protection of collective bargaining.
Employee ownership and worker cooperatives.
Affordable housing.
Universal access to essential healthcare.
Strong public education.
Infrastructure investment.
Protection of Social Security.
Support for disabled Americans and vulnerable families.
Agricultural and rural development.
Stronger antitrust enforcement.
Greater transparency in corporate political spending.
Tax policies addressing extreme concentrations of wealth.
Public investment in science, technology and renewable energy.

VII. BREAKING THE POWER OF MONEY IN POLITICS

A central objective would be reducing the ability of concentrated wealth to dominate political decision-making.

Possible reforms could include:

stronger campaign-finance transparency;
restrictions on conflicts of interest;
stronger lobbying disclosure;
tougher revolving-door rules;
public disclosure of political funding;
stronger enforcement against corruption;
independent ethics oversight;
protection for whistleblowers;
and greater public access to government records.

The principle is simple:

Political office should be public service, not an investment opportunity.

VIII. GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABILITY

The Front would reject the idea that any political faction should be above investigation.

Claims of corruption, abuse of power, foreign influence or improper political relationships should be investigated through evidence, law and transparent procedures.

The Front would therefore demand:

independent investigations;
public audits;
transparent government contracts;
protection for whistleblowers;
disclosure of conflicts of interest;
equal application of the law;
congressional oversight;
judicial independence;
and public access to government information.

The same standard should apply whether the accused is a Democrat, Republican, socialist, conservative, intelligence official, corporate executive or political activist.

No permanent enemies. No permanent sacred cows. Evidence first.

IX. FOREIGN POLICY AND NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY

The United States should pursue a foreign policy based upon the interests and constitutional principles of the American people rather than permanent warfare.

The Front would advocate public debate concerning:

military interventions;
overseas military bases;
arms sales;
intelligence operations;
sanctions;
foreign aid;
diplomatic relations;
and the use of American military power.

The Front would oppose discrimination against Americans because of their ethnic or religious background and would distinguish criticism of governments and political movements from hostility toward entire peoples or religions.

Regarding Israel, Palestine and other international conflicts, members would be free to advocate different policies, provided debate remains grounded in evidence and does not promote hatred toward Jews, Arabs, Muslims, Christians or any other population.

The underlying principle would be:

American foreign policy should be accountable to the American public.

X. A HUMANIST AMERICA

The Front would place human dignity above ideological tribalism.

An American should not have to choose between:

economic justice and individual liberty;

patriotism and international peace;

religious faith and social justice;

racial equality and working-class solidarity;

personal freedom and social responsibility.

The objective would be to build a political culture in which Americans can disagree profoundly without treating one another as enemies.

This would include a strong defense of:

freedom of speech;
freedom of religion;
freedom of conscience;
freedom of association;
privacy;
due process;
equal protection;
peaceful assembly;
and democratic participation.

XI. CHRISTIAN SOCIAL HUMANISM

For Christian members of the Front, the movement could draw inspiration from the social teachings of Jesus:

care for the poor;
solidarity with the marginalized;
opposition to exploitation;
humility;
forgiveness;
service;
rejection of greed;
and the principle that human beings possess dignity beyond their economic value.

This tradition can coexist within a pluralistic organization because the Front would not establish a state religion.

Christians, atheists, Muslims, Jews, Buddhists, agnostics and people of other convictions would have equal political rights.

XII. THE FRONT'S INTELLECTUAL TRADITION

The Front could create an open intellectual tradition rather than declaring one thinker infallible.

Its discussion circles could study:

American traditions

Washington
Jefferson
Franklin
Lincoln
Frederick Douglass
Eugene Debs

Civil-rights and liberation traditions

Martin Luther King Jr.
Malcolm X
Angela Davis

Socialist traditions

Marx
Engels
Rosa Luxemburg
democratic-socialist traditions
contemporary socialist organizations

Libertarian and antiwar traditions

Ron Paul
libertarian constitutionalism
anti-interventionist thought

Contemporary political critics and analysts

The Front could also host debates involving figures and traditions represented by people such as Tucker Carlson, Paul Craig Roberts, Aaron Maté, Max Blumenthal, John Mearsheimer, Jeffrey Sachs, Alexander Mercouris, Larry Johnson, Ray McGovern, Chris Hedges, Amy Goodman, Jill Stein and others.

Their inclusion in an intellectual program would not mean that the Front declares all of their factual claims or political conclusions correct. It would mean that Americans should be able to examine competing arguments openly.

XIII. THE FRONT MUST NOT BECOME ANOTHER POLITICAL MACHINE

The greatest danger would be reproducing the very political structure the Front claims to oppose.

Therefore:

no permanent supreme leader;
no personality cult;
no secret political police;
no suppression of internal criticism;
no political violence;
no hereditary leadership;
no corruption tolerated because the person belongs to the Front;
no immunity for Front leaders;
no forced ideological conformity.

Leadership should be:

limited, accountable, transparent and replaceable.

XIV. ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE

A possible structure could include:

1. National Assembly

The highest deliberative body.

2. Workers' Council

Representatives from labor organizations and working communities.

3. Community Council

Representatives from neighborhoods, municipalities and civic organizations.

4. Economic Democracy Council

Economists, workers, cooperatives, small businesses and economic researchers.

5. Civil Liberties Council

Lawyers, civil-rights organizations and constitutional scholars.

6. Foreign Policy Council

Researchers, veterans, diplomats and citizens concerned with international affairs.

7. Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission

An independent internal body empowered to investigate misconduct.

8. Youth and Education Division

Dedicated to political education, history, economics, philosophy and civic participation.

XV. THE PATH FORWARD

The Front would not seek to seize power through violence or political intimidation.

Its strategy would be based upon peaceful democratic organization:

Educate → Organize → Mobilize → Participate → Reform → Democratize.

The first task would be creating local chapters.

The second would be building relationships among workers, communities, independent political organizations, churches, civic groups and social movements.

The third would be developing a common national program.

The fourth would be participating in elections and other lawful democratic institutions where appropriate.

The fifth would be building enough independent civic power that ordinary Americans have alternatives beyond the existing political establishment.

XVI. THE AMERICAN SOCIAL CONTRACT

The ultimate objective would be a new social contract based upon five principles:

LIBERTY

Every person possesses fundamental civil and political freedoms.

EQUALITY

No citizen should be politically or economically disposable.

DEMOCRACY

Government derives its legitimacy from the people.

SOLIDARITY

The prosperity of society should not depend upon the permanent misery of another class.

SOVEREIGNTY

The American people should have meaningful control over the institutions governing their lives.

XVII. THE DECLARATION OF PURPOSE

The Patriotic Front of National Salvation of the United States would therefore declare:

America does not belong to Democrats.

America does not belong to Republicans.

America does not belong to Wall Street.

America does not belong to billionaires.

America does not belong to political consultants.

America does not belong to corporations.

America does not belong to any foreign government.

America belongs to its people.

The purpose of the Front would be to create a peaceful democratic movement capable of restoring political and economic power to ordinary citizens.

Its goal would not be revenge against one political faction.

Its goal would be the construction of a republic in which political freedom has economic substance, economic prosperity is broadly shared, government is accountable, corruption is investigated regardless of political affiliation, and every citizen possesses the dignity necessary to participate meaningfully in the nation's future.

The American experiment began with the proposition that government derives its legitimate authority from the governed.

The task of the twenty-first century would be to ask whether that principle can be made materially real for the entire population.

A government of the people.

A government by the people.

A government for the people.

A United States in which liberty and social justice are not enemies, but partners.

A democratic, sovereign and humanist American republic.

Tuesday, August 25, 2026

HOW TO OVERTHROW THE US GOVERNMENT AND THE CAPITALIST SYSTEM OF THE RULING CLASS OF THE US GOVERNMENT

How to Overthrow the Capitalist State: A Guide to the Revolutionary Struggle for Workers' Power

What follows is a guide to the strategic and programmatic foundations of socialist revolution, grounded in the classical Marxist tradition and the contemporary work of the Socialist Equality Party and the International Committee of the Fourth International.

The Starting Point: What Is the State?

The first question any serious revolutionary must answer is: what is the state, and whose interests does it serve? The entire edifice of bourgeois political science — from high school civics to the New York Times editorial page — is built on the lie that the state is a neutral arbiter standing above society, balancing competing interests and administering justice. Marxism exposes this as a fraud.

The state, as Engels demonstrated, is a product of the irreconcilability of class antagonisms. It arose historically at the point where society had divided into exploiters and exploited, and it exists as the instrument by which the ruling class maintains its domination. The standing army, the police, the courts, the prisons, the bureaucratic apparatus — these are not neutral institutions. They are "bodies of armed men" organized to defend the property relations upon which class rule rests.

Lenin's The State and Revolution — written in August-September 1917, on the very eve of the Bolshevik seizure of power — is the indispensable text on this question. Lenin restores what the opportunists of the Second International had buried: Marx's insistence that the working class cannot simply take hold of the existing state machinery and use it for its own ends. The bourgeois state must be smashed, destroyed, broken up, and replaced by entirely new organs of power — organs of the armed and organized working class itself.

In Chapter 3 of The State and Revolution, Lenin draws the lessons of the Paris Commune of 1871. The Commune demonstrated in practice what Marx had theorized: the standing army replaced by the armed people; all officials elected and subject to immediate recall; no official receiving more than a worker's wage; the parliamentary talking-shop replaced by a working body, simultaneously legislative and executive. These were not utopian schemes but the practical measures taken by workers in power for 72 days — measures that pointed toward the form of the future workers' state.

The American state — its Pentagon, its Homeland Security apparatus, its federal judiciary packed with Federalist Society appointees, its police departments that murder with impunity, its Congress that serves as a board of directors for Wall Street — is no exception to this analysis. It is the dictatorship of the capitalist class, and it must be overthrown.

The Dictatorship of the Proletariat

The term "dictatorship of the proletariat" provokes alarm among those raised on Cold War propaganda. But what does it actually mean? Marx used the term to designate the class content of the state in the period of transition from capitalism to socialism. Every state is a dictatorship — the question is: a dictatorship of which class over which class?

Bourgeois democracy is the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. It is a form of rule in which the capitalist class exercises power indirectly, through elected representatives, while the working class is permitted to vote every few years for one or another representative of its exploiters. This is not a trivial distinction. The entire machinery of bourgeois democracy — the corporate financing of elections, the media monopoly, the two-party stranglehold, the Senate filibuster, the Supreme Court, the unelected national security state — is designed to ensure that the fundamental property relations of capitalism are never threatened by popular will.

The dictatorship of the proletariat, by contrast, is the rule of the vast majority over a tiny minority. It is the most profound democracy that has ever existed, because it extends democratic control from the political sphere into the economic sphere — into the factories, the banks, the land — where under capitalism the dictatorship of the boss is absolute. As the SEP's 2010 program, The Breakdown of Capitalism and the Fight for Socialism in the United States, states:

Socialism is the abolition of the private ownership of the means of production and the conquest of political power by the working class. It means the expropriation of the financial-corporate oligarchy and the transformation of the banks and major corporations into public property under democratic control.

The workers' state will not be a replica of the bourgeois state with new personnel. It will be a state of a fundamentally new type — a semi-state, as Lenin called it, already beginning to wither away, because for the first time in history the state represents the majority and is organized to suppress the former exploiters, not the exploited.

The Revolutionary Party

No class in history has ever taken power without a leadership. The bourgeoisie had its Jacobins, its Cromwells, its Washington and Hamilton. The working class requires its own leadership — a revolutionary party.

This is not a matter of subjective preference. It flows from the objective conditions of working-class existence. The working class, unlike the bourgeoisie, does not own the means of production. It does not control the universities, the press, the publishing houses. It cannot develop its consciousness and organization from within the institutions of the ruling class. The revolutionary party is the instrument through which the most advanced workers — armed with the theory and historical experience of Marxism — bring socialist consciousness into the working class and unify its disparate struggles into a conscious political fight for power.

Lenin's What Is To Be Done? remains the foundational text on the party question. Written in 1901-02 in the struggle against "Economism" — the tendency that sought to limit workers' struggles to trade-union demands and tail the spontaneous movement — Lenin insisted that socialist consciousness must be brought to the working class from without, by a disciplined organization of professional revolutionaries. The party is not a debating society or a pressure group. It is the general staff of the revolution.

The Socialist Equality Party is the American section of the International Committee of the Fourth International, the world Trotskyist movement. It is not a faction of the Democratic Party, not a "left wing of the possible," not a middle-class protest group. It is a revolutionary party fighting to build a leadership in the working class capable of taking power.

In his report to the Ninth Congress of the SEP in August 2026, National Secretary Joseph Kishore stated the central task with clarity:

The same crisis that is producing global war and has placed a fascist gangster in the White House is driving the working class into struggle. … The necessary conclusion from our analysis of the political situation is, above all, the building of the party in the working class.

Rank-and-File Committees: The Organs of Struggle

How does the working class organize itself for the fight? Not through the existing trade unions. The AFL-CIO bureaucracy has been transformed over decades into an instrument of corporate management and state control — a police force over the working class that suppresses strikes, enforces sellout contracts, and collaborates with every anti-worker policy emanating from Washington. The union apparatus is not a neutral institution that can be "reformed" or "pushed left." It must be smashed through a rank-and-file rebellion.

The ICFI's answer to this problem is the International Workers Alliance of Rank-and-File Committees (IWA-RFC), founded on May Day 2021. As the SEP's 2022 Congress resolution explains:

Rank-and-file committees must create conditions for the development of genuine workers' democracy, facilitating free discussion among workers, coordinating information-sharing outside the censors of the AFL-CIO, and planning common action among the broadest sections of the working class to achieve what workers need, not what the companies demand.

The rank-and-file committee is not a substitute for the revolutionary party, but it is the organizational form through which workers can break the stranglehold of the union bureaucracy, coordinate struggles across workplaces and industries, and develop the confidence and consciousness that come from independent action. As Trotsky wrote in The Trade Unions in the Epoch of Imperialist Decay, the party must "mobilize the masses, not only against the bourgeoisie, but also against the totalitarian regime within the trade unions themselves and against the leaders enforcing this regime."

Political Independence from the Two-Party System

The Democratic Party is not a lesser evil. It is a capitalist party — the party of Wall Street, the Pentagon, and the CIA — that serves as the essential political instrument for suppressing working-class opposition. Its function is to capture popular discontent, channel it into safe bourgeois channels, and smother any movement toward political independence. Every major attack on the working class in living memory — NAFTA, welfare "reform," mass incarceration, the destruction of Glass-Steagall, the bank bailouts, the Obama health care counter-reform, the Trump-era war drive — has been a bipartisan project.

The pseudo-left — the DSA, Jacobin, and related tendencies — exists to reinforce this trap. It tells workers that socialism can be achieved by electing "progressive" Democrats, by "co-governing" with the likes of Gavin Newsom, by making capitalism "more humane." This is not a strategic error; it is the political expression of a class interest — the interest of the affluent upper-middle class that staffs these organizations and seeks careers within the capitalist state.

As Kishore's Ninth Congress report documents, Jacobin founder Bhaskar Sunkara has stated openly: "Any form of social democracy is grow, give. There needs to be profitability in order to have something to redistribute." And of the DSA's elected officials: "I think in practice, the experience of governance, of competing in elections, is a moderating force." This is the pseudo-left's actual program: administer capitalism, protect profitability, moderate the working class.

The working class needs its own party, standing on its own program, independent of and hostile to all capitalist parties. The SEP's election campaigns — from Niles Niemuth's 2018 congressional run to the ongoing interventions in working-class struggles — are waged on this basis: not to "reform" the system, but to build a movement to overthrow it.

Internationalism: The Revolution Cannot Be National

Socialism cannot be built in one country. This is not a slogan but a scientific conclusion drawn from the character of modern productive forces. Capitalism has integrated the world economy. Supply chains cross every border. The major banks and corporations operate globally. The working class is an international class — exploited by the same multinational corporations, driven into war by the same imperialist rivalries, and capable of liberating itself only through international unity.

The theory of "socialism in one country" was the ideological cover for the Stalinist bureaucracy's betrayal of the world revolution. Trotsky's The Third International After Lenin — particularly the section "The Program of the International Revolution or a Program of Socialism in One Country?" — demolishes this nationalist revision of Marxism. Trotsky demonstrates that Lenin and the entire Bolshevik tradition understood the Russian Revolution as the opening of the world revolution, not a national project. The Soviet Union could survive only if the revolution spread to the advanced capitalist countries.

The same logic applies today with even greater force. The American working class cannot overthrow capitalism in isolation. The revolution in the United States — the center of world imperialism — would be the single greatest blow ever struck against the capitalist system. But it must be linked to the struggles of workers in Europe, in Asia, in Latin America, in Africa. The strategic goal is not a reformed American capitalism but a world socialist federation — the United Socialist States of the World.

The Program: What the Working Class Fights For

The SEP's program, The Breakdown of Capitalism and the Fight for Socialism in the United States, begins not with abstract utopian visions but with the pressing needs of the working class. Each demand, by its very nature, collides with the material interests of the financial oligarchy and poses the necessity of taking power.

The program enumerates the basic social rights that every worker is entitled to: the right to a job, to be secured through an emergency public works program; the right to a livable income, replacing the poverty-level minimum wage with a guaranteed annual income covering all needs; the right to leisure, through a 30-hour workweek with full pay and five weeks of paid vacation; the right to decent and affordable housing, with an immediate halt to all foreclosures and evictions; the right to utilities and transportation as public services, not profit centers; the right to high-quality health care through socialized medicine — an end to medicine-for-profit; the right to a secure retirement with full pensions at age 60; the right to education, free at all levels, with all student debt abolished; the right to a healthy and safe environment, beginning with the expropriation of the energy giants; and the right to culture, with massive public funding for the arts under democratic control.

These rights cannot be realized without a frontal assault on the prerogatives of the corporations and the rich. The program therefore demands the expropriation of the banks and financial institutions — the commanding heights of the economy — placing them under public ownership and democratic workers' control. The vast wealth created by generations of workers must be taken out of the hands of a privileged few and put at the disposal of society as a whole.

The International Situation: War and Revolution

No guide to revolution in 2026 can ignore the international situation. The drive to world war — centered on the US-NATO war against Russia in Ukraine and the escalating confrontation with China — is the dominant fact of world politics. The working class has no side in inter-imperialist conflicts. The answer to war is not support for one capitalist power against another, but the international unity of the working class against all bourgeois governments.

As the SEP's 2018 Congress resolution, The Resurgence of Class Struggle and the Tasks of the Socialist Equality Party, states:

The new antiwar movement must be anti-capitalist and socialist, since there can be no serious struggle against war except in the fight to end the dictatorship of finance capital and the economic system that is the fundamental cause of militarism and war. … The permanent war of the bourgeoisie must be answered with the perspective of permanent revolution by the working class, the strategic goal of which is the abolition of the nation-state system and the establishment of a world socialist federation.

A Reading Program for Revolutionaries

The struggle for socialism is inseparable from the struggle for theory. The revolutionary party is the memory of the working class — the bearer of the strategic lessons accumulated through more than 170 years of class struggle. The following texts constitute the essential foundation.

The Classics: Where to Begin

Friedrich Engels, Socialism: Utopian and Scientific (1880). The single best introduction to Marxism. Engels explains how Marx and Engels transformed socialism from a moral appeal to the conscience of the ruling class into a scientific theory grounded in the material development of society and the class struggle. In three short chapters, it covers the dialectical method, the materialist conception of history, and the contradiction between socialized production and capitalist appropriation that makes socialism both necessary and possible.

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto (1848). Still the most powerful summary of the Marxist program. Every line is a weapon.

Vladimir Lenin, Karl Marx: A Brief Biographical Sketch with an Exposition of Marxism (1914). Written for an encyclopedia, this is perhaps the most comprehensive overview of Marxism in a short document. It covers Marx's philosophical materialism, dialectics, the materialist conception of history, the class struggle, Marx's economic doctrine (value, surplus value, the tendency of the rate of profit to fall), and the theory of socialism and the class struggle.

The State and Revolution

Vladimir Lenin, The State and Revolution (1917). The indispensable text. Lenin restores Marx's teaching on the state — that the working class cannot take hold of the existing state machine but must smash it — and draws the lessons of the Paris Commune. Chapters 1, 3, and 5 are particularly essential.

Karl Marx, The Civil War in France (1871). Marx's analysis of the Paris Commune, written in the heat of events. The source from which Lenin drew the central lessons of The State and Revolution.

The Party and Revolutionary Organization

Vladimir Lenin, What Is To Be Done? (1902). The classic statement on the need for a disciplined, centralized revolutionary party. Lenin's polemic against "Economism" — the tendency to tail the spontaneous movement and restrict workers' struggles to trade-union demands — is directly relevant to the fight against the pseudo-left today.

Rosa Luxemburg, Our Program and the Political Situation (1918). Luxemburg's speech to the founding congress of the German Communist Party, insisting that the immediate realization of socialism must be the party's program and that workers' and soldiers' councils are the organs of revolutionary power.

Trotsky and the Fight for the Fourth International

Leon Trotsky, The Third International After Lenin (1928). Trotsky's critique of the Stalinist draft program of the Comintern, exposing "socialism in one country" as a nationalist betrayal of Marxism and defending the international character of the proletarian revolution.

Leon Trotsky, The Revolution Betrayed (1936). Trotsky's analysis of the Soviet Union under Stalin — a degenerated workers' state ruled by a Bonapartist bureaucracy that had expropriated political power from the working class while leaving the property forms of the October Revolution intact. The final chapter, "What Is the USSR?", remains the classic Marxist analysis of the class nature of the Stalinist state.

Leon Trotsky, In Defense of Marxism (1939-40). Trotsky's defense of dialectical materialism against the petty-bourgeois opposition in the Socialist Workers Party led by Max Shachtman and James Burnham. The theoretical capitulation to bourgeois public opinion that Trotsky identified in 1940 was the starting point of the political degeneration that led Shachtman's tendency to support American imperialism in Korea and Vietnam — and ultimately to the founding of the DSA. This book is an essential weapon for understanding the class basis of the pseudo-left.

Contemporary Works from the ICFI and SEP

The Breakdown of Capitalism and the Fight for Socialism in the United States (2010). The program of the Socialist Equality Party, adopted at its First National Congress. The essential contemporary statement of the party's analysis and demands.

The Resurgence of Class Struggle and the Tasks of the Socialist Equality Party (2018). The resolution of the SEP's Fifth National Congress, analyzing the upsurge of class struggle internationally and the specific tasks of building the party in the working class.

Build the International Workers Alliance of Rank-and-File Committees in the United States! (2022). The resolution of the SEP's Seventh National Congress on the central organizational task of the present period: building rank-and-file committees as the democratic organs of 21st-century working-class struggle.

The 2024 US Elections and the Tasks of the Socialist Equality Party (2024). The resolution of the SEP's Eighth National Congress, analyzing the collapse of bourgeois democracy and the political radicalization of the working class.

Joseph Kishore, Oligarchy, Dictatorship and the Political Radicalization of the American Working Class (2026). The report to the SEP's Ninth National Congress — the most up-to-date strategic analysis of the political situation, the character of the Trump administration, the role of the pseudo-left, and the tasks of the revolutionary party.

David North, Marxism, History & Socialist Consciousness (2007). A defense of the dialectical materialist method and the historical foundations of the ICFI, written in reply to a critique by former members who had abandoned the party's theoretical foundations.

The Road Ahead

The overthrow of the capitalist state is not a distant utopia. It is the practical task posed by the objective crisis of world capitalism. The conditions that made possible the post-war boom — American hegemony, the Bretton Woods system, the integration of the trade unions into the state, the ideological dominance of anti-communism — have disintegrated. The American working class, the sleeping giant of world politics, is awakening.

As the SEP's 2022 Congress resolution states:

The explosive crisis of the US political system … confirms that the solution to the crisis of American society will not come through the sclerotic two-party system, but by building a mass working class movement against it. But whether this movement achieves its revolutionary potential depends on the activity of the SEP.

The task now is to build the party — to bring the program of socialist revolution into every factory, workplace, and campus; to build rank-and-file committees that break the stranglehold of the AFL-CIO bureaucracy; to fight for the political independence of the working class against the Democratic Party and its pseudo-left apologists; and to unite the struggles of American workers with the global movement of the international working class.

The objective conditions are ripening. What is required is the subjective factor — the revolutionary party, armed with theory, rooted in the working class, and prepared to lead the struggle for power. That is the work of the Socialist Equality Party and the International Committee of the Fourth International. Join it.

Saturday, August 8, 2026

THE LINKS BETWEEN THE BOOKS SUSPENSIONS OF PERCEPTIONS BY JONATHAN CRARY AND THE BOOK SEEKING TRUTH IN A COUNTRY OF LIES BY MY BROTHER EDWARD CURTIN

Hey brother, can you do me a favor? I want you to connect that book with what author Edward Curtin said about the conformist, hedonistic, anti-revolutionary behavior of the majority of U.S. citizens, who are reluctant to overthrow the system that keeps them impoverished, with sky-high bills, high taxes, medicine and everything generally very expensive, and low wages to meet necessities. From my point of view, they are too conformist and are still clinging to voting for the two capitalist parties (Democrats and Republicans) that keep the majority of Americans poor, obese, sick and depressed, while only a minority is favored by that system. The right thing to do would be for the majority to unite around a Marxist-socialist political party such as the Socialist Equality Party, the Party for Socialism and Liberation, the Green Party, the Socialist Party of the USA or other more working-class-oriented political options.

The link between Jonathan Crary's analysis (Suspensions of Perception) and Edward Curtin's socio-political critiques of conformism and passivity in the US is direct and profound: Crary explains the technical/psychological mechanism of control, while Curtin explains the political and existential consequence.

Both authors agree that the absence of a mass revolutionary movement—despite the evident deterioration of the living conditions of the working class—is not an accident, but the result of a highly sophisticated system of cultural and perceptual domination.

1. The show as anesthesia: From Crary to Curtin

For Jonathan Crary, industrial and post-industrial capitalism not only exploits the workforce, but also manages attention. Through the culture of spectacle, media, and the incessant flow of stimuli, the individual's perception is captured in a state of passive trance or "distraction hypnosis."

This is where Edward Curtin's thesis comes in: Curtin argues that the American population lives under a form of "organized amnesia" and compulsive entertainment (hedonism). For Curtin, this hedonism is not a sign of real wealth or happiness, but a mechanism of psychological evasion:

Curtin's diagnosis: People are overwhelmed by debt, unpayable medical costs, expensive housing, and precarious jobs, but they are offered an escape through visual consumption, mass entertainment, and the illusion of individual freedom.
The link with Crary: Crary's "suspension of perception" is the tool that allows that hedonism to work. If the citizen's attention is permanently fragmented and directed towards the next product, the next series or the next spectacle debate of electoral politics, the ability to focus attention on the structural root of his own exploitation is nullified.

2. The trap of bipartisanship as "false attention"

In his analysis of modern society, Curtin denounces how the two-party system (Democrats and Republicans) functions as a monopoly that absorbs any legitimate discontent and redirects it into an empty electoral spectacle. Both parties support the corporate capitalist model, but stage an ongoing cultural battle to keep the population divided.

From Crary's perspective, this bipartisanship acts as a fixation screen:

Targeted care: The system requires the working class to "pay attention" to politics only in the way that the system allows it to (voting every two or four years for one of the two fractions of the same capital).
Neutralization of real change: By focusing perceptual and emotional energy on the Democrat vs. Republican, attention is prevented from being "suspended" from the official narrative to contemplate structural alternatives, such as parties of the socialist, Marxist or working class tradition (such as the Party for Socialism and Liberation, the Socialist Equality Party or the Green Party).

3. The Production of Passive Subjectivity: The Poor, the Sick, and the Alienated

Curtin often underscores the tragic contradiction of American society today: a majority that suffers from high levels of depression, obesity, workaholism, and social isolation, but remains unable to organize collectively.

The theoretical connection between the two thinkers to explain this phenomenon can be summarised in three points:

Dispossession of Agency (Curtin): The average citizen feels atomized and powerless. The daily economic pressure (bills, taxes, health costs) generates a state of chronic exhaustion that destroys the time and energy necessary for militancy or political organization.
Capture of leisure time (Crary): Instead of leisure time being a space for critical thinking or community action, modern capitalism captures perception in break time through media consumption, turning the exhausted worker into a passive spectator.
Rejection of the alternative: Conformism does not arise because people are satisfied with their lives, but because the combination of material exhaustion and perceptual manipulation makes the system seem "inevitable," making invisible or demonizing any radical leftist alternative that seeks to reorganize society in favor of the working majority.

In short, while Edward Curtin denounces the moral, political, and hedonistic surrender of a society that tolerates its own degradation under the myth of capitalist freedom, Jonathan Crary reveals the invisible architecture—the manipulation of attention and the senses—that makes it possible for this voluntary servitude to be maintained day by day.